Beltös Culture

The culture is a peaceful one, in whose language no confrontation, no argumentation, no disagreement, nor hardly even any cruel or sarcastic comments are possible to express. To put it candidly: The land of the Beltös is utopia.

Yet, the Beltös people do not lead a sybaritic existence of lotus-eaters. It is a non-technological culture and it is necessary for the people to gather food, to cook it, to build shelter, and to go about the day-to-day actions of life. And the fact that there is no negation does not mean that life is blissful. There is still sickness. There is still misfortune. There is still death. And there never can be a human culture in which the sorrow of romantic heartbreak is eliminated.

But at least there is no war, there is no fighting, there is no violence, nor even the slightest whiff of crime. It’s not a bad life – and in many respects it is preferable to the one all of us live today.

Food and Diet

The people (as the members of the Beltös refer to themselves) are vegetarians. According to their religious tenets, it is permissible to eat meat if you or your family are starving, but this has not occurred in the memory of any living person.

The land in which they live (which is located no more than 20,000 kilometers from New Zealand) has a remarkably clement climate and is replete with fruiting trees and edible shrubs. The main staple is a grain, called “jiš,” that is similar to the genus of the grass, Zizania, commonly known in America as “wild rice.” This is harvested, usually by men, in flat-bottomed skiffs, from the marshy river banks. A particular variety of this grain thrives in the briny water of the estuaries, and is much prized for the pungency of its flavor.

Once harvested, the grain is sun-dried, threshed, and ground into flour. The flour is mixed with water to form a paste, which is either flattened and fried like a tortilla, or rolled into balls and baked. Usually these žilliṕäx balls are mixed with ground spices or herbs, or occasionally berries, which give them a diversity of flavors and colors.

The main source of protein of the Beltös are eggs. Indigenous to the land is a species of large, herbivorous lizards, called “zgellispo,” which have never been seen in any other territory of the planet. These lizards are about the size of an adult cow, weighing over 500 kilograms, but because of the long reptilian tail, the full body length is quite a bit longer. The zgellispo have been semi-domesticated by the Beltös. The villagers build paddocks in which to enclose them, especially the gravid females (yet this author has seen the lizards climb over the low fences commonly used). After laying a clutch of eggs, the female buries them under a loose mound of earth, using the long claws on her rear paws. Shortly after leaving the site of the nest, they are unearthed by the assigned caretaker (lizard-herd) of the paddock, usually a child, and gathered and brought into the village for cooking. (When asked about the wisdom of assigning a child to this task, my interlocutor said that the zgellispo are shy and fearful, and the greatest danger would be if one of the lizards accidently stepped on the child’s foot.) The eggs are always prepared fresh, and this author can attest that they are quite tasty, but with a particularly unctuous texture that takes some getting used to.

The Beltös do not kill the zgellispo, nor any other animal, as far as has been observed. However, if one of these lizards (or any other animal, for that matter) is discovered dead, then the people immediately strip off the skin and prepare it for leather. The skin is scraped clean and then soaked in a mixture of human urine and wood ash for several weeks, after which it is removed from the noxious bath, scraped again, and pounded smooth, before being dried in the sun. The belly leather is said to be the softest and the back the toughest, but the finest garments are sewn from the tail leather which the people say is the most supple.

Not only are the Beltös people vegetarians, but they avoid killing or harming any animal. The land is alive with the colorful flashing of feathers and territorial songs of many species of birds: parrots, sparrows and finches especially. Several varieties of marsupials thrive in the crowns of the trees which cover the forested part of the land, but none of these birds or animals threaten the lives or safety of the people, and so they remain untouched and unharmed.

Religion

Unusually, the Beltös people have two separate religions. One is a monotheistic faith whose ceremonies are presided over by “priests” (‘elbäh) and whose teachings mostly center on moral commonsense. The other is an animistic, polytheistic creed, whose ceremonies are conducted by “shamans” (bimgliš). (The words “priest” and “shaman” are used here only to make clear the contrast; there is no reference to any existent religion or belief intended.) The shamans conduct ceremonies of healing and good fortune and often present gifts to those who have come-of-age, whereas the priests oversee the ceremonies related to birth, marriage, and death. The practitioners of these two apparently inconsistent belief structures treat each other with respect and friendliness, and the people do not see any contradiction about the different theologies implied by these two different systems of belief.

This author admits that he never fully fathomed how these two belief systems meshed together. The “priesthood” seems open to any who wish to join, whereas the “shaman-hood” appears to be, at least partially, a hereditary position. When the interlocutors were asked to explain what seemed to be theological inconsistencies, they simply looked bemused or broke out in laughter.

Social Hierarchy

The structure of the culture is one in which social rank is extremely important. As a study of the Beltös language will show, the language is filled with honorifics, used to identify the relative rank of the speaker, the listener, and the ones being spoken of.

The ranking, however, is dependent on the context of the conversation. Even in a casual greeting between two people, each speaker will first identify himself as below the rank of the listener and praise some quality of the listener. Only after several iterations of self-humbling and other-praising, does any “business” get transacted, whether it be a request to a neighbor to repair his paddock because the lizards are getting loose, or an invitation to a grandchild’s birth ceremony.

Although no outward manifestation of rank could be observed by this author, whether through attire, ornamentation, possessions, housing, or political or religious duties, the people seem to be perfectly aware of each other’s social rank and to use the honorifics accordingly. This author experienced some poorly disguised laughter when attempting to learn the language because of mistakes of using the honorifics incorrectly (and even upon his departure after having lived among the Beltös people for a number of years, he cannot confidently assert that he fully understands the fluid and almost daily changes in the social ranking).

Possession

Although, among the Beltös people, individuals can possess personal items, such as clothing or tools, most things are not considered to be owned by a person or group of persons. Natural things, like land, water, trees, or wildlife, are considered unpossessible. Even large constructed objects, like a house or paddock, are considered to be for the exclusive use of a family only temporarily. Except for a few ceremonial objects, there is no concept of inheritance, or passing one’s property to descendants.

The concept of “ownership” among the Beltös is best described as the right of exclusive use of something for a limited time. Sharing of resources, tools, food, and almost all objects is so common and pervasive in the culture that it appears at first that the concept of possession does not even exist—but this is not true. An individual may assert that he is the owner (bom‘a) of an object, for example, a particularly well-crafted knife, and refuse to share it. The refusal to share is acknowledged begrudgingly by others, but heeded.

When children act this way, their parents quickly reprimand them for their selfish behavior, and therefore it is not surprising that the Beltös appear preternaturally generous. Yet it is not true, as certain previous anthropologists have remarked, that there is no concept of ownership, nor manifestation of selfishness, among the Beltös people.

Lodging

The Beltös people live in longhouses (dežda), similar to those used by the indigenous peoples of North America. Usually these are about six meters in length and only two or three meters in width, but a few are quite longer.

These houses are built using wattle-and-daub. Vertical poles are driven in the ground; woven strips of wood and/or stringy bark and/or thin branches are woven between the poles; riverbank clay is mixed with dried grass and fine beach sand, and then daubed and smoothed over the wattles. After the daub has dried, thatched roofs are added; the thatching being made of large leaf-stalks, from the banana tree and other tropical non-woody trees; with multiple smoke-holes depending on the length of the longhouse.

Each longhouse is inhabited by a single extended family. Some extended families, however, are so extensive that they require several separate buildings. The size of the longhouse depends upon the number of residents. Typically over a dozen will live together in an average size longhouse, with the largest ones sometimes housing extended families of four or five dozen members.

The occasion of the construction of a new longhouse is triggered, most usually, by the growth of the extended family living together in one house requiring more room. Sometimes though, interpersonal tensions between members of the family may result in a premature split, with some of the individuals erecting their own separate residence.

The occasion of the erection of a new longhouse has a celebratory atmosphere. All the members of the extended family, as well as many other members of the village, come together for a “house-raising party” (mažgestäm). The future residents of the new longhouse provide the food and refreshments while all work together to erect the building. After it is completed (or sometimes after the walls are completed but the thatching is not), an evening of singing and dancing ensues, which continues for two or three nights.

Clothing

Because of the warm and moderate climate, the people wear little. Nudity, however, has never been observed except among pre-pubescent children. The pubic regions of adults, both men and women, are always covered.

The lack of large animals on the island means that there are very few hides or furs available for clothing. What clothing the Beltös people do wear, is made by weaving plant fibers into a rough cloth, and then sewing the pieces together into garments, including head coverings. The resulting fabric is rather coarse and bristly, rather like coir. The clothing tends to be loosely fitted, lest it cause scratching or irritation. Often it is decorated with plant dyes in geometric patterns, such as zigzags or four-pointed stars. Animal leather, especially from lizards (zgellispo), is used also, primarily for the finer articles of clothing, but its availability is limited. Snake skins are used for a few special garments, usually those worn for religious or ritualistic purposes.

Birth

Within the first week of birth, a “shaman” (bimgliš) visits the child and blesses it by blowing fragrant smoke onto it and chanting verses beseeching the earth and the sea and the sky to look upon the child with favor. Before this occurs the mother and child remain confined to their longhouse.

Afterwards, the infant accompanies the mother wherever she may go. It is swaddled in special bands of fabric, made soft by beating the coarse plant fibers with rocks. The infant is carried either on the back or chest of the mother, by means of a secure system of strapping.

Children are nursed until at least the age of five, based on the author’s observations, and sometimes longer. They are weaned gradually, usually first with soft lizard eggs (ṕiṕa), and then other solid foods are introduced. This occurs later in life than is customary among the developed countries of Europe or North America.

From the earliest age, as soon as they begin walking and talking, the children are expected to participate in the daily chores of the village, either by carrying fresh water, or tending the domesticated lizards (zgellispo), or gathering fruit from the forest (although this last is done in the company of others, to watch for snakes).

Children, from the age of six or seven, are even encouraged to participate in the discussions among the adults in the longhouses, where questions of rights and responsibilities are resolved. (The author, himself, has been invited to attend such meetings.) Although the children speak up rarely, they are quiet and attentive, absorbing the cultural norms of their people.

Puberty

Apparently, there are no coming-of-age ceremonies or rituals among the Beltös. At the very least, no anthropologist who has visited them have observed any, nor have their questions about such met with anything but surprise.

Rather, as a boy or girl approaches the age of maturity (approximately fifteen years, in the opinion of the author), they begin to shoulder adult responsibilities and their elder relatives begin to make arrangements for a marriage. Since the Beltös do not maintain an accurate count of a person’s age, the age of maturity of an individual is based on that person’s physical and emotional development; some are not considered adults until they are older.

There are particular rituals for a person to be initiated into the ranks of “priests” (‘elbäh) or “shamans” (bimgliš), but these ceremonies are considered secret, and have never been disclosed to any of the anthropologists, to this author’s knowledge. In any case, those roles are filled solely by middle-aged or elderly people, frequently the “natural leaders” of a village.

Marriage

Marriage among the Beltös is monogamous.

According to the interlocutors, the marriages are arranged by the mothers and maternal aunts of the bride and of the groom. Nevertheless, either the young man or young woman can “balk” at the chosen partner. Sometimes this results only in a delay of the wedding, but if the refuser is steadfast, then the proposed match is cancelled.

However, it became apparent that the interlocutor was describing the “normative” marriage arrangement. Upon talking to other villagers, it arose in conversation that there were also “love marriages.” These occurred when the young man and woman chose their own partner, without regard to the concerns of their families. Sometimes these love affairs would be enshrined by marriage; other times the elders of the families were able to convince the young people instead to marry those whom the aunts had selected for them.

It is very rare that any eligible young person does not marry and have children. Although single adults are not uncommon, it turns out that most of them are widows or widowers. For a young person to refuse to marry anyone at all is considered outlandish and often the elders are able to pressure the young person to agree to marry someone.

The ceremony is rather short. It is conducted by a “priest” (‘elbäh) who blesses the couple with smoke, incense and rattles. The groom and bride then each individually speak a traditional vow, after which they are considered to be married.

Before and afterwards, there is a celebration in which all the villagers, and people from nearby villages, may take part. There is singing and dancing, and the bride, and sometimes the groom, are showered with flowers and sometimes berries, signifying a fertile union. Often the ceremony itself happens in the midst of this celebration, without any break by the revelers.

There is no dowry or bride-price. Sometimes the bride settles in the longhouse of the groom’s family, and sometimes the groom in the bride’s. This is arranged in advance by the couple’s aunts, with the larger extended family usually being the one which houses the new couple, as well as their children when they are born.

Death

The funeral services of the Beltös are lengthy. Unlike such ceremonies in the developed nations, they are not particularly somber affairs.

Within a day or two of the death of one of the members of the village, the body is washed and placed on a wooden bier in the open, next to which a hot fire has been lit. The body has been wrapped, by the closest relatives, in a “shroud” – bands of fabric, similar to the swaddling of an infant. Villagers and other acquaintances of the deceased arrive, cluster around the fire, greet each other happily, exchange hugs, chat away merrily, and share food prepared by the relatives and closest friends of the deceased. Then, the ceremony begins.

There are three parts of the ceremony. First a “shaman” (bimgliš) circumambulates the bier and fire pit, recounting the achievements and successes of the deceased, in a rhythmic chant. These stories are interspersed, frequently, by sharp barks that he (shamans are always male) emits towards the sky, to alert the spirits that they are soon to be joined by another, and to take care that his/her voyage to the “land of the clouds” is without danger or impediment. After each outburst of barking, the assembled congregation breaks into high-pitched ululations. When the wailing calms down, the shaman resumes his tales. For funerals of leaders or wise men/women of the village, this part of the ceremony may continue for hours.

The second part is officiated by a “priest” (‘elbäh). The priest softly chants certain traditional prayers by rote. These ask the “one true God” (‘elḱäh), and his emanations (nösjem), to look only upon the good deeds of the deceased, and to cast a blind eye upon his/her sins. This is done in an echo-and-response style: the priest chants a verse, and all those in attendance repeat it. When the chanting is done, the entire congregation stands in silence, hardly breathing or moving, for five to ten minutes. Then, when the priest walks away from the bier, the people are “released.”

Third, a group of young men lift the body upon their shoulders, and accompanied by the shaman (but not the priest), carry it into the forest. If the deceased is a child or a young unmarried man or woman, then the father or a paternal uncle also accompanies the bearers of the body. This group carries the body deep into the forest to dispose of it [it is unknown to the author how the body is buried or otherwise disposed of, and the location of the final resting place of the deceased is considered taboo, whose location is not to be mentioned]. When the men return, they carry the shroud over their heads and they cast it, and the wooden bier upon which the body had rested, into the fire. As it is consumed, the closest relatives of the deceased, the spouses and children and parents and siblings, break into loud wails, accompanied by ululations of the assembled group.

Finally, when there is nothing left but ashes, the villagers disperse, and the ceremony is considered to be over.

Snakes

The Beltös people are blessed by living on an island with no dangerous carnivores. The only dangerous animals are the snakes, of which there are a great number of species, many of them highly venomous. Even so, the people do not kill or harm these snakes, although children are taught from the earliest age to watch their footing and never to cross a snake on a footpath. The snakes are so ubiquitous, and large, often measuring about two meters in length, that this author freely admits that during the first few days of his visit he was fearful of walking anywhere without a guide. Even the non-poisonous snakes have adopted an evolutionary mimicry of coloring that makes them all but indistinguishable from their venomous cousins except to the practiced eye. The longest snake I ever observed was fully five meters in length! My guide informed me that this species was not venomous, nevertheless he felt it best to take a circuitous route around where it lay sunning itself.

In the event of a snake inhabiting one’s home (which appears to occur rather frequently), the homeowner will contract with a “t́ižmas” to encourage the snakes to leave. This ceremony involves a combination of a woven basket with a lid, a long Y-shaped stick, seedpod rattles and the burning of incense, as well as entreaties to the snake to find a more suitable home. There are enough snakes that this ceremony is repeated several times every day in one of the homes or outbuildings around the village.